Citizen Stern

The New Politics of Style

Inside the Italian American Community Center—the kind of drab, tan cement, municipal building that has housed countless bingo nights and fish-or-chicken weddings—the candidate ascended the stage. He was there to accept the nomination of his party, and to assure his supporters, “For any of you who had doubts about me—I am serious. I am in this to win.” Then, taking a pause to reflect, he said, “As I look out on this shining crowd and see all your beautiful faces, I have only one thing to say: It's amazing they let you people vote.”

It was April 1994 and Howard Stern had just secured the Libertarian Party nomination in his run to become the next Governor of New York State.

At the time, Stern was the biggest radio star in all of America, the self-proclaimed “King of All Media.” Since 1985, he had dominated the New York City market, and since 1992, he had become the top morning show host in Los Angeles, Chicago, and Philadelphia too. In 1993, his first book, Private Parts, had become a national best seller. On New Year’s Eve that year, he hosted the most successful pay-per-view event in history, a program that was perhaps the most out-of-control two-hour broadcast ever on television. By 1994, at least 4 million listeners were tuning in to hear Stern every morning, as he talked about anything and everything for five hours a day, five days a week. Stern had entered the race in March that year, declaring that he had three goals: to end road tolls, to limit roadwork to nights, and to bring back the death penalty. After those goals were accomplished, Stern said, he would resign. Above all, he promised, “I’ll get out of office before I can ruin anything.”

At the press conference following his announcement, Stern admitted that while he didn’t know much about government, he did not think that mattered. All politicians thought and talked alike anyway, and little ever got done. When one reporter asked him a cutting question, he responded in kind, asking her, “How much do you make a year?” When she said, “$30,000,” he hit back, “You poor woman, no wonder you can’t afford a good haircut.”

“The most attractive thing about being Governor,” Stern said, was that “you don’t have to get up at four in the morning,” as he did to host his morning show. Despite his slick shtick, Stern remained adamant that he was not only serious, but that he could win. Stern believed “the goofy vote—the crank vote,” would provide at least 20 percent of the vote if not more in a three-way race with Governor Mario Cuomo and the eventual Republican nominee, George Pataki. Shortly after his announcement to run, at least one poll showed him beating Governor Mario Cuomo in a hypothetical matchup. Cuomo by then was running for his fourth term as Governor, although unlike many others, he didn’t underestimate Stern. Cuomo told the press, “When I ran in 1982, they said I was a novelty and not a serious alternative, so I’m not about to condemn anybody.” President Clinton too, was asked about Stern’s gambit, and whether he supported his candidacy. “I support his right to run,” the President chuckled.

Politics had changed permanently in 1992—as I wrote back in November—and by 1994 that process began to calcify. The ability to secure the proper endorsements mattered less than the ability to nail the right soundbite. That same year, in 1994, Republicans were mounting a campaign to overtake the House of Representatives for the first time since 1952. In Washington, they were led by the man who would become the next Speaker of the House, Representative Newt Gingrich of Georgia. In 1990, Gingrich had authored a document, “Language: A Key Mechanism of Control,” that advised House GOP candidates to describe conservative issues with words like “strength,” “hard work,” “freedom,” “truth,” and “common sense.” Democratic issues, Gingrich wrote, should be defined with words such as “sick,” “disgrace,” and “radical,” while Democrats should be described as “incompetent,” and “traitors.”

Some lawmakers soon became hip to Gingrich’s new style—but in reality, they were all led by America’s other top shock jock, Rush Limbaugh. Limbaugh hosted his program in the afternoon and became nationally syndicated in 1988. In 1992, Limbaugh managed to write The Way Things Ought to Be, which climbed to Number One on The New York Times best-seller list. On air, he regularly referred to feminists as “Femi-Nazis,” among other names, and said of his own success, “I benefit from being one of the few voices in national media saying what I say.” In the lead up to the 1994 midterm elections, Limbaugh railed against the Clinton Administration’s “Raw Deal,” which included an assault weapons ban and the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy regarding gay people in the military. As Limbaugh told his audience, “The motto of this administration every day is, what can we do to fool them today?” That fall, Republicans gained 54 House seats and 8 Senate seats, enough to control both houses of Congress. At an event to celebrate the win, Gingrich even named Limbaugh an honorary member of the 1994 class.

Back in New York, Howard Stern ended up dropping out the race in August, after refusing to share financial disclosure forms. In the end, George Pataki beat Mario Cuomo as Democrats lost across America. However, despite his foiled and not fully serious run, Stern understood the direction in which politics was headed.

For one, he understood that the establishment explainers are largely wrong. Those who tell us this-will-never-work-because-so-and-so, or this-person-can’t-win because-such-and-such are simply playing a guessing game. He also understood that simple messaging worked. Policy papers and platforms in 1994 meant increasingly little—and today, they mean next to nothing. Perhaps most importantly, Stern understood that he was the message. Unlike useless endorsements or editorials, Howard Stern’s celebrity candidacy foreshadowed a new age in politics in which the most important factor was the candidate’s personality and sheer ability to deliver a message, with appeal, humor, and a smile.

This week on the Democratic side, the talk of American politics is still Zohran Mamdani, now the Democratic nominee in New York City’s mayoral race. Some believe—namely those who supported Andrew Cuomo, such as the political novice, Bill Ackman—that Mamdani will kill business in the economic hub of the entire planet. If New York endured the De Blasio and Adams administrations in succession on top of Covid and still came out alive, it seems unlikely that Mamdani will destroy America’s largest city. After all, despite all Mamdani’s grand plans, the rent freeze is likely the only promise that can be kept. Every other plan, largely, will depend on the budgetary approval of Governor Kathy Hochul, who has signaled that she will be unlikely to go along.

But as always: Establishment Democrats and the pundit class are paying attention to the wrong things. What matters for Democrats who care about winning isn’t so much Mamdani’s policies but his style. Yes, his policies do matter, chiefly his laser-focus on affordability. And while self-identifying as a “Democratic Socialist” might not work at a national level for others, the style Mamdani employed will work. Clear communication, simple goals, and effective delivery are the keys to political victory in 2025 and beyond. But crucially, the messenger matters as much as the message.

Mamdani is a figure of self-creation, the latest star to emerge in the age of pop culture populism. The same goes for Trump, and for that matter, Howard Stern in 1994—even though Stern didn’t follow through or take the bit seriously enough. In the modern age, it's not about the policies so much as it is about the personality. Stars win in the modern age. Zohran Mamdani is a star. Donald Trump is a star. Barack Obama before them was a star.

In 2028, the most important thing for the Democratic nominee won’t be their stance on any given issue but whether or not they appear authentic to voters. That is not something you can teach or poll. It doesn’t matter if you have the proper credentials that scored points in the decades of yesteryear. Nobody cares about that anymore, and they shouldn’t. And perhaps most importantly in today’s deep pocketed politics, you can’t outrun a lack of stardom with money. Just ask Mike Bloomberg about his 2020 presidential run.

This is the message for the Democrat that wants to win: talk like a normal person who cares about things that matter to people. It’s not that complicated. Let’s not forget that one of Kamala Harris’ closing arguments was about the “Opportunity Economy,” whatever that is. In her address accepting the Democratic nomination last summer, Harris advised Americans to “show each other and the world who we are and what we stand for: Freedom, opportunity, compassion, dignity, fairness and endless possibilities.” Huh? Contrast that with Trump’s RNC address: “Starting on Day One, we will drive down prices and make America affordable again. We have to make it affordable. It’s not affordable. People can’t live like this.” Now think about the first line of Mamdani’s announcement ad, last October: “Every politician says New York is the greatest city in the world. But what good is that if no one can afford to live here?”

Mamdani twinned that kind of clear and direct language with skits that served as ads. He both entertained and informed. Much like Trump’s McDonald’s stunt or Stern’s general persona, the ads were shtick-y, and yet they worked. As the former professional bowler Pete Weber once, said, “Hate me or love me, you watched.” This is the kind of thinking that Democrats need to embrace headed into 2026 and 2028. Senator Cory Booker’s record 25-hour speech on the floor of the Senate or Representative Hakeem Jeffries’ 8 hour and 44-minute speech on the floor of the House may have impressed the establishment class, but they will not break through with most voters. Shall we revisit Senator Elizabeth Warren’s “Nevertheless, she persisted” tagline?

Conservative, grind-it-out campaigns like the ones Harris ran in 2024 and Cuomo ran in 2025 do not work anymore. Looking ahead to 2028, likely GOP nominee J.D. Vance is a regular on the podcast circuit, where he has become noticeably more comfortable than he was even last summer. As he raises millions of dollars around the country in gated mansions and gilded halls, he is also out in the media working on his craft and improving his ability to communicate. Much to the chagrin of the Tim Walz believers, he is not “weird.” However, whomever faces him in 2028 will have to be comfortable—and most importantly, an authentic communicator—in the new landscape. That doesn’t mean forced histrionics like so many Democrats are now pathetically attempting. It means being normal and authentic. And here’s the rub: you are, or you aren’t. You can’t teach cool.

Right now, it’s unclear if Democrats are able—or more specifically, willing—to accept that kind of person as their leader. Certainly, Senator Chuck Schumer and Representative Hakeem Jeffries are wholly incapable—along with a score of other Democrats the media frames as leaders of the party. The good news is that in the modern age, the score can change in an instant. If Democrats make the right changes, and swap out the players on the field, they can soon find themselves on top. But they won’t do it by sticking to wonky messengers who talk down to voters about “norms” and “respectability.” They don’t need a Serious Stern, but someone who gets voters to tune in and actually listen wouldn’t hurt.

Sources:

https://reason.com/1994/07/01/stern-message/

https://www.nytimes.com/1994/04/24/nyregion/with-eyes-open-wide-libertarians-choose-stern.html

https://uh.edu/~englin/rephandout.html

https://www.newspapers.com/image/472671017/?match=1&terms=howard%20stern%20governor